Alphabet is a prime example: the Alphabet Workers Union-CWA is a “pre-majority” union that lacks NLRB certification and has no formally recognized bargaining unit. Formed in 2021 with fewer than 400 members, today it represents 1,400 members, still a small fraction of Alphabet’s US-based workforce, estimated at over 100,000.
Alan McAvinney from Alphabet Workers Union-CWA
Aran Per Ink
The challenge, says McAvinney, lies in trying to organize a distributed workforce of in-office, remote, and contract workers. “Large tech companies don’t split easily into discrete segments — there’s no strong geographic component to teams, and a single team is often spread across many locations,” which makes getting majority support unrealistic, he says.
But that doesn’t mean the union has had no impact. “In January, we launched our Googlers for Job Security campaign. Today we’re organizing around four demands: a guaranteed minimum severance package for everyone who’s laid off, voluntary buyouts before any mandatory layoffs, an end to GRAD quotas (GRAD being Google’s performance review system) so ratings reflect actual performance and aren’t given or changed to force a particular distribution, and the option to take severance as leave, giving workers, especially those on visas, more time on payroll,” McAvinney says.
“In response, Google did start offering voluntary exit packages,” he says. The union was also able to negotiate one contract, for Google Help workers. However, those workers aren’t actually Google employees: they’re contractors who report to Google management but work for Accenture.
The counterargument
Do unions get what they bargain for? Conservative business and labor economists say union contracts typically have rigid pay structures that restrict merit-based pay in favor of seniority-based wage increases, and that unions, as certified by the NLRB, create labor monopolies that limit worker choice and push up wages to levels detrimental to both workers and business.
The collective bargaining model is not well suited to the highly dynamic and innovation-driven tech sector, Palagashvili argues. “Firms often need to reorganize teams, redesign products, adjust roles, and redeploy talent quickly,” she says.
Collective bargaining agreements make those adjustments much more difficult by imposing uniform terms for an entire bargaining unit, regardless of individual preferences and circumstances. The contracts, she says, “are more about higher pay and less about flexibility.”
But Thompson says that hasn’t been his experience. “The thing with a union is you get to write the contract,” he says. “At Kickstarter we care about recognizing individual contributions, merit, and having a clear career progression.”
Zak Thompson from Kickstarter United
Fee Christoph
Kickstarter United pushed the company to clearly define what it takes to get a promotion, advocated for no “at will” employment, where employees can be fired any time without a stated reason; won standards for minimum pay, raises, promotions, and time off; secured AI protections; and codified a four-day work week.
Yes, some tech professionals voiced concerns about unions, such as that they stifle innovation and limit compensation for top performers, Thompson says, but “a lot of those people came around. They said ‘I was wrong. I feel way more protected, more secure, and I see the benefits.’”
Bronfenbrenner says it’s a mistake to think that tech workers are inherently different from other workers, adding that the two industries with the highest union density are entertainment and professional sports. “These are professionals with unique talents and capabilities, and they’ve organized successfully under the exclusive representation system.”
Will we see a unionized tech workforce?
If unions eventually prevail in tech, it will happen in the face of intense pressure from employers not to organize.
“The Alphabet Workers Union is a case study of the limits of the first wave of tech labor organizing,” says Robutti from the Tech Workers Coalition. “They hit a threshold beyond which they couldn’t fight the union busting anymore, and they became entrenched at that size.”
No one should expect large-scale unionization to occur overnight, Bronfenbrenner says. “The auto and steel industries weren’t organized in months. It took decades. Organizing global tech companies will take the same.”
While McAvinney acknowledges that a traditional majority union may be difficult to achieve any time soon in a company as large as Alphabet, he’s still bullish on his pre-majority union’s ability to make a difference. “Ultimately, regardless of which type of union you are, you can only win as much as you have leverage to win. Your leverage is inherently limited, but that doesn’t mean you can’t win anything,” he says.
Attitudes about unions appear to be changing rapidly. “Interest in unions is high, and I expect that will continue,” McAvinney says. “Now is an excellent time for people to start getting organized. I have seen lots of evidence of that.”
Thompson agrees. “We are seeing an uptick of people in tech reaching out, trying to get help organizing. When people have their job conditions continue to deteriorate, they are going to start organizing,” he says. “We’re definitely seeing a shift from ‘it’d be nice if we had a union’ to ‘okay, how can I actually do this now?’”
Come back next week for Part 2: How to unionize your tech workplace